Current political situation August 2025

Eight years after the events, a verdict in the Hogar “Seguro” case

“Justice for the Hogar Seguro girls,” proclaimed several of those present at the conclusion of the sentencing hearing in the Hogar “Seguro” case. Eight years after the fire that led to the deaths of 41 girls, Judge Ingrid Vanesa Cifuentes found six of the seven defendants guilty. The prison sentences handed down are: 6 years for Gloria Castro, former Ombudsman for Children’s Rights at the Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office (PDH); 13 years for Lucinda Marroquín, former deputy inspector of the National Civil Police (PNC), who had the key to the room where the girls burned to death; 15 years for Luis Pérez, former deputy commissioner of the PNC; 17 years for Brenda Chamán, former head of Special Protection at the Secretariat of Social Welfare (SBS); and 25 years each for Santos Torres Ramírez, former director of the Hogar “Seguro” Virgen de la Asunción, and Carlos Rodas Mejía, former head of the SBS at the time of the events. Harold Flores, former attorney in the Attorney General’s Office for Children and Adolescents, was acquitted on the grounds that he did not hold a position of authority or have decision-making powers about the girls’ confinement.1

The ruling is an important milestone in bringing those responsible to account for the abuse of children and adolescents in Guatemala. The fire, which occurred on March 8, 2017, was the culmination of a series of abuses committed against the residents of this state-run home. Since 2010, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child had warned about the lack of implementation of care standards at the center. In 2013, two workers at the home were arrested after sexually assaulting two children.2

This ruling also puts an end to a process characterized by delays, threats, and revictimization of the victims and their families.3 “I no longer see myself as a survivor. For me, survivor is far too low. I survived everything that was happening. Today, I see myself more as a warrior. A warrior who has learned to face the world,” explained one of the survivors shortly before the end of the trial.4 In fact, on many occasions they were labeled as people in conflict with the law or “troublemakers,” prompting several of the survivors to ask that “they stop pointing the finger at us, as if we were to blame.” They also requested security measures be put in place for fear of retaliation.5

After their long struggle for justice, the victims stated, “I don’t feel happy or sad…I feel like a weight has been lifted off my shoulders, because those people were guilty.” The mother of one of the girls who died believes that “to be honest, it’s not very long. For all those girls and the survivors, it is a short sentence. It makes me very sad, but at least there has been some justice.”6 Another survivor emphasized that the harm done is irreparable, saying, “The State will never pay off its debt.”7

Through this ruling, the judge responded to victims’ demands in the face of events that have come to be regarded as “state femicide.”8 The reparation measures ordered include a public event at which the President of the Republic will apologize on behalf of the state. The judge also ordered the creation and upkeep of several memorial sites to honor the victims, including the memorial in the Plaza de la Constitución, which has been repeatedly vandalized.9 Furthermore, at the request of one of the victims, an investigation was ordered into then President Jimmy Morales’ involvement in the events.10

Criminalization of indigenous authorities continues unabated: Esteban Toc Tzay captured, four months after the arrests of Luis Pacheco and Héctor Chaclán

On August 9, International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples, there was public condemnation of “political persecution” as a strategy employed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office (MP) against members of the 48 Cantons of Totonicapán, including against indigenous leaders Luis Pacheco and Héctor Chaclán.11 The two were arrested on April 23, 2025, following an arrest warrant issued by the Prosecutor’s Office against Organized Crime. They have been held in prison ever since. Their arrest is the result of criminalization they have faced since participating in the 2023 national strike. The national strike took place within the context of social protest against the MP’s efforts to overturn the presidential election results. These protests and the national strike ultimately enabled Bernardo Arévalo to assume the presidency. Both leaders are being charged with terrorism, obstruction of criminal proceedings, and unlawful association.

On August 25, national and international authorities held a press conference in front of the Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ) to speak out against procedural delays in the justice system. Furthermore, given that no judge has been appointed for the intermediate phase, which decides whether there is sufficient evidence for Pacheco and Chaclán to face trial, social organizations are calling on the justice system to assign a judge to rule on the matter and decide on alternative measures during the trial.12

Unfortunately, there has been no end to the persecution and criminalization of indigenous leaders who participated in and led the 2023 strike and demonstrations in defense of democracy. On August 28, Esteban Toc Tzay, deputy mayor of Sololá between 2022 and 2023, was arrested at the request of the MP. Indeed, the indigenous authorities of Sololá were one of the most active groups in the national strike.13 The Special Prosecutor’s Office against Impunity has charged Esteban Toc with terrorism, unlawful association, obstruction of criminal proceedings, and obstruction of justice.

He was sent to Mariscal Zavala prison at the end of his initial hearing, despite having a serious medical condition.14 A number of indigenous authorities issued a statement repudiating his arrest and calling on “the international community to speak out and condemn these repressive actions” (see statement at the end of this document).

Arrest of Leocadio Juracán: a continued pattern of criminalization against land and territory defenders

On August 13, Leocadio Juracán Salome, current leader of the Campesino Committee of the Highlands (CCDA) and former member of parliament (2015-2019), was arrested by PNC agents at La Aurora Airport. His initial hearing was held five days after his arrest, on August 18. His detention is directly related to the March 5, 2025 eviction of 36 Q’eqchi’ families from the community of Río Tebernal (Livingston, Izabal). The CCDA has accompanied the community since 2024. Juracán’s arrest is part of a pattern of criminalization that indigenous and peasant grassroots organizations have long suffered for defending human rights, especially land access and territorial defense.15

Despite the irregularities and inconsistencies in the case, Judge Fabián de León ordered the human rights defender stand trial for aggravated trespass, one of the four charges brought against him. The judge scheduled the intermediate phase hearing for February 5, 2026, at which time the MP must present evidence in support of its case. In this case, as in others like it, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, along with other organizations, have spoken out about and documented the manipulation of the judicial system to criminalize, persecute, and repress human rights defenders as part of a strategy of sociopolitical violence.16

The CCDA is a peasant and indigenous organization that works to defend community rights, especially with regard to land, territory, agrarian justice, and labor dignity. The organization has a long history of social and political struggle promoting sustainable rural development and the autonomy of peoples. Unfortunately, it has been persecuted and attacked countless times. From 2016 to 2025, eighteen CCDA leaders were murdered; in 2024 alone, twenty-one members of the organization were imprisoned. Now there is the current trial against Juracán, who declared that the case was trumped up to justify his criminalization. Furthermore, the remarks made by the Association for the Defense of Private Property (Acdepro) against the CCDA and Juracán in the context of this case have also raised concerns.17

In light of such a critical situation for those who defend land and territory, during a recent visit to the country, UN Special Rapporteur Margaret Satterthwaite pointed out that, “The instrumental use of criminal law by the Prosecutor General’s Office appears to amount to a systematic pattern of intentional and severe deprivation of fundamental rights, targeted at specific groups.”18

UDEFEGUA publishes its 2024 report

This month, the Unit for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders – Guatemala (UDEFEGUA) published its report on the situation of human rights defenders, organizations, and communities for 2024. The publication documents 4,133 attacks. The highest peaks of violence occurred in January (transition between administrations), May, and August (election of Courts). Among the main groups targeted are justice operators, those who defend the impartiality of the justice system and democratic spaces, and journalists working at the national and community levels: 2,048 cases were against justice operators and 1,227 against journalists. The data shows a correlation between cases of criminalization of human rights defenders, electoral processes, and the interests of political and business groups. The aim of these attacks is to ensure control of the judicial system and to intimidate those who criticize corruption. This is particularly worrying in view of the electoral processes that will take place in 2026: the election of judges to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) and the Constitutional Court (CC), and the appointment of the Attorney General.19

The main types of attacks covered in the report are stigmatization, defamation, and harassment. The main aggressors are netcenters, conservative groups, and political parties. The report also highlights the MP’s failure to adequately process these complaints. According to Maya K’iche’ lawyer Ana Lucía Xiloj, “complaints filed with the MP are not investigated or can take years to be processed.”20