Political situacion in July 2026

USAC: Irregularities continue under Walter Mazariegos’s disputed leadership

In July 2026, Walter Mazariegos began a new term as president of the University of San Carlos (USAC) amid widespread criticism. Just as in the previous round of elections, different student groups, faculty members, and university organizations maintain that his continued tenure is the result of a flawed electoral process, citing the exclusion of opposition candidates, the annulment of elections in various academic departments, and changes to the electoral regulations to favor the current administration.1

New controversy arose in the second half of July when dozens of students reported that their enrollment records, academic transcripts, and administrative records had disappeared from the university’s system. The students affected were from different departments, and many of them had participated in movements opposing the Mazariegos administration. Because their records were deleted, some were unable to register for second-semester courses or complete other academic requirements.2

The Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office (PDH) reported that it has opened investigations to gather information on the deletion of academic records and to look into other allegations of harassment against students. Meanwhile, the Public Prosecutor’s Office (MP) has launched investigations based on the complaints that were filed.3

Walter Mazariegos’s administration has repeatedly denied the accusations of fraud and political persecution leveled by opposition groups. However, the conflict has fostered a confrontational atmosphere within the university, leading to new lawsuits, public statements, and doubts about university autonomy and guarantees of democratic participation at USAC.4

Benedicto Lucas García granted provisional release

Manuel Benedicto Lucas García, who was Army Chief of Staff from August 16, 1981, to March 23, 1982, was granted provisional release on July 15, 2026.5 He had been held in pretrial detention at the Military Medical Center, facing charges of genocide against the Maya Ixil people, crimes against humanity, sexual violence, and forced disappearance in more than 1,700 cases committed under the rule of his brother, the late de facto president Fernando Romeo Lucas García (1978–1982). The MP sought a 2,860-year prison sentence for these crimes; however, the trial was interrupted just before the verdict was handed down, when an injunction was granted which ordered that the oral and public proceedings be repeated.

High-Risk Court B granted him provisional release on the same day that approximately 300 members of the Maya Kaqchikel community unveiled a mausoleum and communal burial place in the village of Pacoj (Chimaltenango) to honor the 72 victims of a massacre committed by the army in 1982.6 The Court granted alternative measures, reasoning that Guatemalan procedural law does not prohibit the Court from granting provisional release to individuals charged with these types of crimes and that pretrial detention should not amount to a preemptive sentence. Some of the measures imposed include house arrest in the home of one of his children, a travel ban, and a ban on communicating with witnesses in the case.

The MP and the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) appealed the decision on July 22, arguing that the Court failed to take into account the serious nature of the charges or the risk of flight or obstruction of the investigation.7 In a statement, the AJR called his provisional release a setback for victims’ access to justice and warned that the decision prioritizes the rights of the defendant over those of the communities impacted by the crimes in question. The decision to grant provisional release now awaits the outcome of the appeals filed by the parties.8

In 2018, Lucas García was sentenced to 58 years in prison for crimes against humanity, forced disappearance, and aggravated rape in the Molina Theissen case. He is also accused of crimes against humanity in the CREOMPAZ case, a clandestine cemetery where more than 500 human remains were found, showing signs of violence.

TRECSA fails to respect the right to consultation in San Juan Sacatepéquez

In February 2026, residents of the indigenous Kaqchikel Aj Bab’ey community of El Pilar 1, in San Juan Sacatepéquez, filed complaints against the company Transportadora de Energía de Centroamérica S.A. (TRECSA), alleging that TRECSA had entered communal lands to install bases for transmission towers without first consulting the community. Community members asserted that the project threatens their ancestral lands, crops, and ways of life, and spoke out about the presence of law enforcement officers while company workers went into the area.

In the following months, residents of El Pilar 1 reported that TRECSA workers, accompanied by National Civil Police (PNC) officers, private security guards, and MP personnel, once again tried to enter the communal lands. The residents reported that corn and other crops were damaged during these incidents; furthermore, they accused the company of using force to proceed with the installation of electrical infrastructure.

In June 2026, the ancestral authorities of Iximulew expressed their support for the community and demanded that TRECSA withdraw from the communal lands. They also requested that the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) review the permits and authorizations associated with the project, and that state institutions respect the decisions made by the community assemblies. The indigenous authorities spoke out about possible instances of persecution, discrimination, and criminalization against those who oppose the project.9

In July 2026, representatives from El Pilar 1 visited the National Palace to ask Bernardo Arévalo’s administration to intervene and put a stop to the use of law enforcement in the conflict. At the same time, social organizations and Indigenous communities expressed opposition to bills 6665 and 6712, arguing that they could facilitate electrical infrastructure projects without sufficient safeguards for communal lands. The collectives pointed out that such reforms could increase the risk of harm to indigenous communities and favor private power transmission companies.

For years, many communities have accused TRECSA of trying to operate without the prior and informed consent of the local population. While community leaders continue to resist in order to protect their lands, the conflict persists, prompting calls for dialogue, a review of permits, and respect for the collective rights of the El Pilar 1 community in San Juan Sacatepéquez.10

The Tz’utujil people of Santiago Atitlán successfully remove the mayor from office

On July 20, the Constitutional Court (CC) denied an injunction filed by Santiago Atitlán (Sololá) Mayor Francisco Coché Pablo, who was elected in 2023, a decision that favored the municipality’s residents. The Tz’utujil community, represented by its ancestral authorities, organized a series of peaceful protests and collected signatures to urge the members of the municipal council to ask the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) to remove the mayor from office, due to numerous allegations of corruption.11

In late March 2026, PBI spoke with Juan Mendoza Damián and Diego Petzey, ancestral authorities from the town. They pointed out that the two main reasons for removing the mayor were the illegal installation of around 200 cages for tilapia farming in Lake Atitlán—which pollute the municipality’s only source of drinking water—and the authorization of 279 licenses for moto-taxis (or tuk-tuks) which were causing serious accidents. Juan and Diego have been threatened and criminalized for their efforts to defend the territory and for their fight against corruption.12

On July 1, the ousted mayor showed up in the city center with a contingent of police and shock troops, sparking gunfire that left two people dead and one injured. The ancestral authorities denounced and rejected these events and urged all parties to pursue dialogue and peace, calling on state authorities to investigate the incident.13

Stuardo Campo’s acquittal in the “Alfa Siete” case overturned14

Stuardo Campo is a former anti-corruption prosecutor who has been in pretrial detention since December 2023, awaiting trial in the three cases against him. In July 2025, the first case, known as “Alfa Siete,” ended with an acquittal in his favor; however, on July 13, 2026, the Fourth Appeals Chamber overturned this decision and ordered that the oral and public proceedings be repeated, a decision that Campo’s legal team is now challenging. The second case, known as the “Zolic case,” is currently in the intermediate phase. That case has kept Campo in pretrial detention, despite his defense team’s repeated attempts to secure his release. Since February 2026, 17 intermediate phase hearings have been scheduled, 10 of which have been cancelled. The third case, “Chimaltenango Bypass,” began in May 2024. There have been many delays in the indictment phase, and the next phase of the hearings is scheduled for August of this year.

The case of Stuardo Campo is a clear example of the criminalization that many justice operators and human rights defenders face in Guatemala. The United Nations (UN) Working Group on Arbitrary Detention identified five features of criminalization present in his case: “the inability to justify pretrial detention; the violation of due process; the total or partial failure to comply with international standards regarding the right to a fair trial; and discrimination based on his status as an anti-corruption prosecutor.” Different national and international human rights organizations have called on Guatemalan authorities to release Stuardo Campo and investigate the details of his case.